& THEIR INFLUENCE IN EARLY ISLAMIC ARCHITECTURE
By: Lionel Bier
The ruins of Palatial Buildings in Iran-proper and greater Iran including Iraq have been linked with the Sasanian dynasty since the nineteenth century, but the concept of a Sasanian palace architecture goes back only six decades to Oscar Reuther's study in the Survey of Persian Art. Despite excavations and surveys undertaken since then, Reuther's work remains extraordinarily influential. Indeed, most of our impressions about the "Sasanian palace" still derive from this study and particularly from the attractive drawings with which he illustrated it.
Reuther's seminal work has many shortcomings, which were due for the most part
to the nature of the materials available to him. His firsthand experience of the
monuments he presented was limited to Ctesiphon where he excavated in the late
1920s. For everything else he had to defer to the accounts of others; Flandin
and Coste, for example, and the Dieulafoys, de Morgan, and Gertrude Bell. These,
in turn, had based their Sasanian attributions on traditions embodied in the
works of Arab and Persian authors writing centuries after the fall of the
empire. Few buildings at that time had been adequately recorded and even fewer
excavated. Add to this the fact that these monuments have yielded virtually no
epigraphic material and it is easy to understand the problems which Reuther
faced in compiling his study.
seems to me that now, some sixty years later, a realistic conception of Sasanian
palace architecture continues to elude us, and that this is due largely to an
oddly uncritical acceptance of the published drawings which in the end are our
most important source of information. The older plans, for example, are so
familiar through frequent reproduction on an ever smaller scale that they have
become almost iconic. They most often begin, as in the case of Damghan,
as line drawings which clearly indicate the limits of excavation and
preservation, but in time they are reduced to their essentials. In the Survey
the walls of the palace are partially blackened for clarity.
Further along in the recession the broken edges become less distinct. F.
which appears in the following chapter, shows a clean edge at the left, adding
to the impression that we have before us a complete unit. The graphics have
prepared the ground for statements about the building's symmetrical plan and
theories about its function.
This transmogrification of an original survey is particularly striking at Kish where Watelin uncovered in a relatively small area what he described as eight "Sasanian palaces." Palaces I and II are well known for their rich stucco decoration and their elaborate ground plans which suggest a ceremonial function. Even when the plans are hatched rather than blackened, we have become accustomed to seeing in each a more or less complete building. Moorey, who has recently made a fresh study of the Kish excavations, suggested that Palaces I and II may actually have been part of a single complex if not a single building, and the published plans are here arranged in a pastiche as if they were (fig. 1). A variance of some ten degrees indicated by their north arrows does not pose a significant problem; plans which show ancient buildings oriented dead north are always suspect, especially in roughshod surveys, which this one seems to have been. The published site plan, which is apparently definitive-although it has no scale-seems to indicate a uniform orientation but in a different direction. They fit well, in any case, in their general scale and in the thickness of their outer walls which vary from room to room. What lay in between and to the north may have fallen victim to the plow, a common fate for mud-brick buildings, but we are not given the topographic information to judge.
of Bishapur is especially interesting in this respect. The original publication,
which remains the basic work, contains a well-known plan (fig. 2) showing the
great cruciform hall flanked by a rectangular court in the south and a group of
three rooms in the north.
The plan first appeared already blackened and, like all drawings in this style,
has tended to divert attention from archaeological problems like the separation
of building phases. There is no indication, first of all, that the partly sunken
structure, which was made of dressed stone blocks rather than the usual mortared
rubble, and which is actually oriented differently from the rest of the
almost certainly existed before the palace was built. Nor is there any
indication that the massive walls defining what Ghirshman called the "triple
iwan" were, as Keall recently pointed out,
later additions, even though they partially covered the famous floor mosaics.
Ghirshman also published an aerial photograph of the city (fig. 3) showing its grid plan, the river, and the citadel at the mouth of the gorge. One can see that the entire northeast corner of the city was occupied by an enormous enclosure of some 27,000 square meters, whose southern limit and southwest corner are plainly visible. To the east is a depression which represents a great rectangular court measuring approximately 30 x 50 meters. In the centers of three sides are the remains of structures that were probably iwans. From the fourth side a broad corridor (which has since been cleared by Ali Akbar Sarfaraz) led to the excavated western portion of the palace which seems to have comprised less than seven percent of the whole.
Such scrutiny of a well-known photograph puts the palace of Shapur into a somewhat clearer perspective and has interesting implications for the thorny problem of functional interpretation not only of Bishapur but of the Sasanian palaces in general.
interpretation has tended to follow two often interconnected lines. The first
has been to take the sum total of all the nefarious activities that would
have taken place in such palaces and make them fit the fragmentary remains. Here
we are like the three blind men who describe the elephant variously as a snake,
a tree, or a whale, depending on which part of the beast we happen to touch. The
second is to see these buildings not as palaces at all but as fire temples.
Almost all of the monuments now thought to have been Sasanian palaces have at
one time or another been seen as temples, and some still are.
is recognized that what we have come to think of as a more or less complete
building is but a small portion of one, some difficulties disappear. We know
from the Pahlavi inscription on the Kaba Zardasht at Naqsh-i Rustam, for
example, that the king and queen and members of the royal court made religious
sacrifices on a daily basis, so we can assume that the palaces and perhaps
smaller princely residences like those uncovered at Ctesiphon contained chapels
of some sort. Most recently M. Azarnoush has argued that the palace of Shapur-by
which he means the parts exposed by Ghirshman-was not a palace at all but a
temple for the worship of Anahita.
My arguments with him stem from the architectural analogies he made with his
fragmentary building at Hajjiabad to the south, which I do not find convincing.
But his conclusion is entirely reasonable, especially since the cruciform hall
at Bishapur with its associated rooms and courts lies immediately adjacent to
the sunken building at the edge of the great complex, which was, as A. A.
Safaraz proposed, most likely an Anahita temple.
Gall's theory that the Bishapur mosaics with their strong Dionysiac flavor
alluded to the Bacchic pomp borrowed by Shapur from western rulers to
celebrate his own military victories over the Romans
would not contradict a cultic interpretation because Sasanian state religion had
from the very beginning a strongly militaristic character. If the excavated
portion of the building was indeed of a sacred nature, the secular activities
and specifically the audience could have been located elsewhere in this vast
complex, most likely in one of the iwans that opened on the great court. In the
same vein, it seems entirely possible that if Sasanian Palaces I and II at Kish
did originally belong to the same building, one locale could have served as an
audience hall, the other as a chapel.
Perhaps the best example of how architectural drawings can cloud rather than clarify almost any issue is the so-called Imaret-i Khusraw, the palace of Khusraw II at Qasr-i Shirin. That this building can have played such an important role in the architectural history of the region is astonishing because Reuther's wonderful drawing (fig. 4) on which virtually all discussion has been based is a total fabrication. The building, which rose from a great platform, was in a ruined state long before de Morgan came through on his mission scientifique in the 1890s. But he managed to extract a plan which showed basically a series of bayts around an open court, and an elaborate gate complex preceded by colonnades that were doubled at the front. A few years later Gertrude Bell visited the site and produced another plan which looked vaguely like that of her predecessors except that, instead of rows of paired columns, she has a simple iwan hall of narrow proportions. Now Reuther, who gives no indication of having seen the place, recognized the inconsistencies of the two surveys and tried his hand, explaining that he has taken the liberty to make his own variation on a theme based on the columned buildings at Damghan and Kish which were just then coming to light, and the palace acquired a dome.
is no doubt that a very large building once stood on this platform, and it may
well have been the palace of Khusraw mentioned by the medieval geographers.
Butbefore using this drawing to discuss the nature of Sasanian gate complexes,
the typical Sasanian arrangement of domed hall fronted by an iwan, or the
basilical hall in Sasanian architecture, we should dwell for a moment on its
pedigree. Bell informs us that in producing her survey she was sometimes obliged
to make analogies with the better-preserved palace at Ukhaidir in Iraq to fill
in the missing parts,
of which there were many. I suspect this is why Khusraw's building has such a
strong Abassid flavor. Put less delicately, it seems to me a fine example of how
Sasanian architecture can be influenced by early Islam.
assumption that architectural design in any period is somehow influenced by that
of the preceding one is not only reasonable but an underlying principle of
architectural history. Due largely to the dearth of reliable archaeological data
at the Sasanian end it has not been possible to define systematically the nature
and extent of this relationship between the palaces of the Khusraws and those of
their Muslim successors. Studies have tended to focus on isolated features such
as the four-iwan plan and the familiar combination of iwan and domed hall. Two
classes of evidence have fostered the widespread notion that there was a
continuity in palace design in a more comprehensive sense, but they are largely
circumstantial and of limited significance. The first is an extensive body of
symbols and imagery originally associated with Sasanian kingship which survived
in all media into the Umayyad period and later. Grabar, in his doctoral thesis
of 1955 and in a number of later publications,
has dealt in great detail with Umayyad ceremonial as it is described in the Arab
sources, relating it to the material remains as these have become available. He
has shown how the Umayyad rulers were able to create for themselves an ambiance
of princely splendor that was drawn in large measure from the defunct Persian
court. He did not, however, press the issue of continuity of its architectural
setting, noting that the desert castles of Syria, Jordan, and
Palestine-virtually all thatremains of Umayyad princely architecture-derived
from local Roman and Byzantine traditions.
a considerable number of Pahlavi works describing Sasanian court ceremonial
survived into the later Middle Ages and were used by Muslim chroniclers. The
Kitab al-taj of Jahiz (d. 869), for example, seems to have incorporated much
material from the Gahnama, a notitia dignitatum of the Sasanians
which listed according to rank all the dignitaries of the Persian monarchy.
As vital as such sources are for an understanding of internal politics in the
royal court, they provide virtually no direct information about an architectural
archaeological evidence for continuity of form and function is no less
equivocal. The problem is best illustrated by considering briefly the setting
for the audience. Very few Umayyad palaces, first of all, preserve locales that
can be identified with reasonable certainty as throne rooms. Two of these are
Mshatta and Khirbat al-Mafjar. AtMshatta
the throne complex lay at the back of the walled enclosure directly opposite the
entrance gate, and consisted of a triconch preceded by a long hall open at the
front that was divided into a broad central nave flanked by side aisles. At
the audience most likely took place, as Ettinghausen once demonstrated,
in a complex that included a pillared hall with a broad central aisle that led
from a gate structure to an apsidal room at the back. The ensemble was richly
decorated with mosaic and stucco that incorporated an elaborate program of
images taken from Sasanian royal sources. Most striking are the stucco figure of
a prince in Persian dress added to the gatehouse facade at a later time, and the
stone chain and headdress which hung from the semi-dome, presumably above the
points can be made here, the first being that neither the triconch nor the
pillared hall is known in Sasanian palace architecture and indeed would seem to
be quite uncharacteristic. The second is that while the Umayyad audience could
apparently take place in any number of
architectural settings, the Sasanian audience was connected primarily, if not
exclusively, with the iwan hall, with or without a domed chamber in back. This
is certainly the impression one gets from the Muslim sources which deal
specifically with the Arch of Chosroes. But the Sasanian monuments themselves
insofar as we know them give the same impression.
The so-called Taq-i Girra, which probably dates to the Middle Sasanian period, seems to reproduce the form of an iwan hall, and cuttings in the floor and at the back suggest that it held a statue, most likely a royal one. The rock-cut iwans at Taq-i Bustan, richly decorated in relief with royal imagery, may actually have been provided with a throne. In Qala-i Dukhtar, the royal audience certainly took place in the great iwan hall at the center of the building. Huff, noting the window opening high at the back, and a fragmentary stone basin discovered in the middle terrace, compared the arrangement with seventeenth century pavilions in Isfahan which accommodated the Safavid audience and had windows in the upper story from which courtiers could view the official activity taking place below.
detailed analysis of Mshatta, Hillenbrand plays down the importance of the forms
of the individual halls as indicators of Sasanian influence, stressing instead
their arrangement with an open court along a single axis: "Functionally, there
is very little to choose between the Partho-Sasanian formula of an iwan
preceding a domed chamber and the classically inspired formula of a basilical
hall preceding a triconch audience chamber."
He continues his general argument for Sasanian influence in late Umayyad palace
architecture by pointing to the vaulting in this official area at Mshatta,
suggesting first that its pitched brick construction was inspired by Sasanian
architecture most likely the palace at Ctesiphon, where the brick rings also
incline towards the rear wall-and second, that the very use of brick vaulting in
the audience complex of a stone building may have been intended as a reference
to the Taq-i Kisrawhere brickwas also used "for the area most closely associated
with the sovereign.
The fact remains, however, that while the great vault of Ctesiphon is indeed
built of brick, the rest of the building is also, and tunnel vaults of pitched
brick laid vertically or in inclined rings are common enough in Byzantine
Thus, while it is true that Mshatta has a strong Iranian flavor, the nature and
extent of Sasanian influence is difficult to define. It seems to have consisted
of little more than an axial disposition of the halls and court at the official
center of the palace and the deployment of Sasanian royal symbols in the carved
intriguing example of Umayyad palace architecture of some relevance here is the
northern edge of the Amman citadel, which seems to have been built and decorated
in the Sasanian mode.
Constructed in the local cut-stone technique, its nucleus consisted of a domed
chamber fronted by an iwan hall that opened on an inner court. Its unmistakably
Persian aspect derives from a vocabulary of decorative motifs clearly
originating in Sasanian stucco. The articulation of the court wall of the
qar, a kind of entrance building, with tiers of niches framing the iwan
arches, makes, on a miniature scale, an emphatic allusion to the Taq-i Kisra at
Ctesiphon, the great palace of the Sasanian kings.
have been attempts to establish a second type of Sasanian audience complex based
on what are in fact strong similarities between the building at Damghan at the
core of the Umayyad daral-imaraat Kufa.
But the two major buildings normally pressed into service to form a class-
Sarvistan and Qasr-i Shirin-are of dubious value. Since Sarvistan can no longer
be attributed to the Sasanians,
and since the Imaret-i Khusraw is a fantasy based partly on Damghan itself, the
arrangement at Damghan must remain an anomaly, one whose precise function is
is ample evidence that the Abbasid caliphs followed the Umayyads in
incorporating Sasanian practices into their ceremonial,
but their palaces, insofar as we know them from Samarra and isolated monuments
like Ukhaidir, had fewer affinities with Sasanian architecture than might be
expected. They are characterized by their sprawling plans that contained a great
number of units, and consisted most typically of courts in series connected by
gate structures around which were grouped numerous bayts of fairly
Abbasid gate complexes were architecturally significant and had ceremonial
But whether these or the Umayyad palace gateways before them owed anything to
the Sasanians is a moot question, as little Sasanian gate architecture survives.
The unit is known only in the very early Qala-i Dukhtar where the layout and
built in features suggest a reception area rather than a place of appearances.
Sasanian influence becomes a real factor only with the cruciform grouping of
rooms which were clearly the focus of these complexes. There are two variants.
The first, found in all the major palaces of Samarra, consisted of four axial
iwans fronting a domed room.
In the second, represented at Samarra only by the "rest-house" behind the mihrab
of the Abu Dulaf Mosque, four iwans open on a central court.
The first type is known also from the dar al-imara of Abu Muslim at Merv
and probably formed the nucleus of the great palace of al-Mansur at Baghdad.
re-create the ceremonial of an earlier dynasty one needs a reason for doing so
and some genuine text to serve as a guide. Something of the physical ambiance
can be reproduced by copying a courtly style of stucco decoration or metalwork
from examples that in the early Islamic period must have survived in ample
quantities. Continuity in ceremonial practice also implies a parallel
re-creation of architectural features to provide a proper framework.
very likely that the audience ensembles of both Abbasid and late Umayyad palaces
derived from Sasanian models. Whatever symbolic value such appropriations might
have had for the early Muslims, these ensembles were eminently suited to an
audience ceremony that began with a revelation in which the ruler was
might be useful at this point to consider the question of what early Muslim
builders and their princely patrons could have known about the palace
architecture of the Sasanian kings. In Western tradition, concepts of
architectural planning and details of construction are often transmitted by a
process involving the close observation of existing monuments and their
description in architectural treatises. This process is exemplified by
Vitruvius, that Roman architect of the first century BCE who traveled about
examining earlier monuments of architecture in order to establish principles for
practicing architects and builders of his own day.
This antiquarian, indeed forensic, approach to architecture is nowhere in evidence in the early Islamic period. We do have references in geographical and historical works to dozens of palaces, princely residences, hunting lodges, and garden pavilions. Their authors refer to wonders of construction and decoration such as columns in the shape of women and blocks of stone so finely worked that the joins were invisible. Their main purpose, aside from marking a conspicuous feature of a locale, was to impress the reader with certain qualities of the original occupant. But they contain no information that would enable a builder to understand these remarkable monuments in architectural terms.
imagining a prince with archaeological inclinations, it is difficult to say,
given the paucity of available data about the post-Sasanian histories of the
Sasanian palaces, what information remained to be gathered. Some were already in
ruins when Yazdigird fled the capital for the Iranian plateau. Dastagird and
Qasr-i Shirin, for example, had been totally demolished by Heraclius in the
Excavations at Firuzabad and Bishapur have shown that the palaces there were
occupied into the early Islamic period, but we do not know how the buildings
were used or how far their physical integrity was appreciated and respected.
At Takht-i Sulayman we have in the Ilkhanid period a rare case of builders
incorporating Sasanian walls which then determined the plan of the new palace.
result of recent survey work at Samarra, the remains of a large Sasanian palace
have been identified immediately adjacent to the Qasr al-Jafari of
The Sasanian building was renovated when the Abbasid palace was constructed in
859-62, at which time a substantial water tank with supply channels and drains
was built into it. Certain features, notably a series of courtyards and public
rooms, have been tentatively located in the unexcavated debris, and there was
apparently a hunting enclosure nearby which was used into the Abbasid period.
Further work there may provide some insight into the caliph's attitude towards
the buildings of a Sasanian predecessor.
rulers of certain Iranian dynasties of the early Islamic period must have had a
special interest in Sasanian palace architecture. The Muslim Buyids, for
example, traced their lineage
Finally, I would like to return to the great palace in Ctesiphon which was
probably erected by Khusraw II in the sixth century. When the Arab commander
entered the Sasanian capitol in 637, he led the Friday prayers in the throne
hall and, from that moment, the building assumed great symbolic significance to
the Muslims. This is perhaps most dramatically expressed in the often cited
passage in al-Khatib al-Baghdadi's introduction to his history of Baghdad which
describes al-Mansur's demolition of the Iwan-I Kisra and the reuse of its bricks
for his own palace.
He relates how al-Mansur proceeded despite a council of non-Arab advisers who
argued that the palace was a monument to the Arab victory over the Persian
kings, but how the caliph desisted only when the undertaking proved too vast.
Al-Tabari offers a variant in which an adviser now recommended pushing on at all
costs lest the caliph's inability to destroy the palace damage his prestige in
the eyes of his Persian subjects.
or not such anecdotes reflect historical reality, they are interesting because
they illustrate what seems to be the real significance the monuments of the
Persian kings had for their Muslim successors. When we consider these accounts
alongside the quasi-historical traditions and romances which later grew up
around this and other Sasanian monuments like Taq-i Bustan and Takht-i Sulayman
it becomes clear that the influence of the Sasanian palaces on early Islam was
largely in the realm of poetry and metaphor.
is no doubt that early Muslim rulers looked to their Sasanian predecessors for
means by which to express a concept of kingship in architectural as well as
ceremonial terms. But the resulting adaptations were usually so subtle and
complete that they defy attempts to isolate the various components. There is no
evidence that early Muslim princes sought to imitate the Sasanian palace in a
comprehensive sense and it is doubtful that there was readily available
sufficient archaeological information to do so. When Sasanian influence is
evident at all, it is invariably seen in the official portions, more
specifically in the throne-room ensemble which must have embodied for writers
and builders alike the essence of Sasanian imperium.
In Arthur Upham Pope, ed., A Survey of Persian Art(London, 1938)
 Erich Schmidt,
Excavations at TepeHissar, Damghan (Philadelphia, 1937), 327 ff. and
 Pope, Survey, 1: fig.
166 (drawn by Oscar Reuther).
 Pope, Survey, l:fig.
 Reproduced in
P. R. S. Moorey, Kish Excavations 1922-33 (Oxford, 1978), fig. J.
Kish Excavations, 122 ff.
 7. Georges Salles and Roman
Ghirshman, Bichdpour, vol. 2: Lesmosdiquessassanides (Paris,
1956), passim. See plan II.
 My own compass reading taken
in 1976 showed a variance of about two degrees.
Encyclopaedia Iranica, s.v. "BiSapir," 4:3, 287-89.
 Salles and
Ghirshman, Bichdpour, 2:pl. I.
Schippmann, Die iranischen Feuerheiligtiimer (Berlin, 1971), passim.
Azarnoush, 'Tire Temple and Anahita Temple: A Discussion of Some Iranian
Places of Worship," Mesopotamia 22 (1987): 393 ff.
 See Ali Akbar Sarfaraz,
"Anahita, Ma abad-e Bozorg-e Bi'tapfr," in Proceedings of the IIIrd
Annual Symposium on Archaeological Research in Iran, 2nd to 7th
November, 1974 (Teheran, 1975), Persian section, 99.
 Hubertus von Gall, "Die
Mosaiken von Bishapur," Archdologische Mitteilungen aus Iran, n.F. 4
(1971): 221 f.
 Pope, Survey,
:plan, fig. 153 with reconstruction, fig. 154.
 J. de Morgan, Mission
scientifique en Perse, vol. 4 (Paris, 1896): pls. 40, 42, and 46.
 Gertrude Bell, Palace
and Mosque at Uhhaidir (Oxford, 1914), 44-51 and pls. 53, 54.
 Bell, Palace and Mosque, 44-51.
 Court," Ph.D. diss.,
Princeton, 1955; "Notes sur les ceremonies umayyades," Studies in Memory
of Gaston Wiet, ed. Myriam Rosen-Ayalon (Jerusalem, 1977), 51 ff.
Richard Ettinghausen, From Byzantium to Sasanian Iran and the Islamic
World (Leiden, 1972), ch. 3. But see R. W. Hamilton, "Khirbat al-Mafjar:
The Bath Hall Reconsidered," Levant 10 (1978): 126 ff., who sees this
complex as Walid's majlis al-lahu and denies that ornament was
consciously used to assert legitimacy. See also his Walid and His Friends
 See Arthur Christensen,
L'Iran sous les Sassanides (Copenhagen, 1944), 62 f.
 See K. A. C. Creswell,
Early Muslim Architecture, 2 vols. (Oxford, 1932-40), 1:578 ff. and
 R. W. Hamilton, Khirbat
alMafjar:AnArabianMansion in theJordan Valley (Oxford, 1959).
 Richard Ettinghausen,
From Byzantium to Sasanian Iran and the Islamic World (Leiden, 1972),
ch. 3. But see R. W. Hamilton, "Khirbat al-Mafjar: The Bath Hall
Reconsidered," Levant 10 (1978): 126 ff., who sees this complex as
Walid's majlis al-lahu and denies that ornament was consciously used
to assert legitimacy. See also his Walid and His Friends (Oxford,
 Hubertus von Gall,
"Entwicklung und Gestalt des Thrones im vorislamischen Iran,"
Archdologische Mitteilungen aus Iran, n.F. 4 (1971): 221 f.
 Von Gall, "Entwicklung und
 Dietrich Huff, "Qal'a-ye
Dukhtar bei Firuzabad," Archdologische Mitteilungen aus Iran, n.F. 4
(1971): 164 ff.
 Robert Hillenbrand,
"Islamic Art at the Crossroads: East versus West at Mshatta," in Essays
on Islamic Art and Architecture in Honor of Katharina Otto-Dorn, ed.
Abbas Daneshvari (Malibu, Calif., 1981), 63-86, esp. 71 ff.
 Hillenbrand, "Islamic Art
at the Crossroads," 72.
 For pitched brick
construction with vertical and inclined rings, see John Ward-Perkins, "Notes
on the Structure and Building Methods of Early Byzantine Architecture," in
The Great Palace of the Byzantine Emperors, Second Report, ed. David
Talbot Rice (Edinburgh, 1958), 580 and passim.
 See Alastair Northedge,
"Survey of the Terrace Area atAmman Citadel," Levant 12 (1980): 150
ff.; 'The Qasr of Amman," Art and Archaeology Research Papers 15
(1979): 26 f. See also the brief discussion byJ. W. Allan in Muqarnas8
(1991): 13 f.
 Northedge, 'The Qasr of
 Forexample, Oleg Grabar,
"Al-Mushatta, Baghdad, 19. Oleg Grabar, "Ceremonial and Art at the Umayyad
and Wasit," in The World ofslam, ed.James Kritzeck and R. Bayly
Winder (London, 1959), 104.
 For a date of construction
in the ninth century, see Lionel Bier, Sarvistan: A Study in Early
Iranian Architecture (University Park, Penn., 1986), passim.
 Dominique Sourdel,
"Questions de crmonial abbaside," Revue des Etudes Islamiques 38
(1960): 121 ff.
 Ernst Herzfeld,
Geschichte der Stadt Samarra (Hamburg, 1948), passim.
 See Grabar, Ceremonial
and Art, 125 ff.
 Dietrich Huff,
"Ausgrabungen aufQalPa-ye Dukhtar bei Firuzabad 1976," Archdologische
Mitteilungen aus Iran, n.F. 11 (1978): 117 ff. and fig. 1.
 See Yasser Tabbaa's
discussion of the four-iwan plan in this volume.
 Most recently, Alastair
Northedge, Muqarnas 8 (1991): 89 and fig. 10.
 For a recent summary of
attempts to reconstruct the plan of the palace at Baghdad, seeJ. W. Allan,
"New Additions to the New Edition," Muqarnas 8 (1991): 17 ff.
 For Qala-i Dukhtar, see Dietrich Huff, Archdologische Mitteilungen aus Iran, n.F. 9 (1976): 173; 11 (1978): 140. Occupation of the palace of Bishapur during the early Islamic period is attested mostly by decorative stucco and coins. See Salles and Ghirshman, Bichdpour, 2:149-99.
 Rudolph Naumann,
ArchiiologischeAnzeiger (1965), 697 ff.
 Alastair Northedge et al.,
'Survey and Excavation at Samarra, 1989," Iraq 52 (1990): 132 ff.
 For Buyid interest in the
Sasanians, see C. E. Bosworth, The Heritage of Rulership in Early Islamic
Iran and the Search for Dynastic Connections with the Past," Iran 11
(1973): 51 ff. and H. Busse, "Iran under the Buyids, in Cambridge History
of Iran 4:273 ff. Also, Richard Frye, "The New Persian Renaissance in
Western Iran," in Arabicand IslamicStudies inHonourofHamilton A. R Gibb
 Muqaddasi, for example,
reported that 'Adud al-Dawla built a palace with 360 rooms, each decorated
in a different style, in the vicinity of Shiraz. See Donald Whitcomb,
Before the Roses and Nightingales: Excavations at Qasr-i abu Nasr, Old
Shiraz (New York, 1985), 140 ff., for the topographic problems.
Lassner, The Topography of Baghdad in the Early Middle Ages (Detroit,
 Lassner, Topography of
 See, for
example, Gerd Gropp, "Neupersische Uberlieferungen vom Heiligtum auf dem
Taxt-e Soleiman," Archaologische Mitteilungen aus Iran," n.F. 10
(1972): 243 ff.; Priscilla Soucek, "Farhad and Taq-i Bustan: The Growth of a
Legend," in Studies in Art and Literature of the NearEast: In Honor of
RichardEttinghausen, ed. Peter Chelkowski (New York, 1974).